sexta-feira, 12 de junho de 2015




Presidente do Municipio Tagir Carimo



Observatório de desenvolvimento de Pemba – Cabo Delgado, Moçambique
Dez razões indiscutíveis, para visitar Pemba
A terceira maior Baía do Mundo uma das grandes maravilhas por descobrir

Texto: Estacios Valoi
12/06/15

Pemba é de uma beleza natural indescritível, praias magníficas de águas cristalinas e calmas, carregadas de espécies marinhas de beleza mundialmente reconhecida desenvolvendo-se num habitat coralífero, também inigualável onde a matéria orgânica resultante de defecarem a céu aberto foi totalmente banida.

A animação cultural reúne a gastronomia e a tradição num prato único, servido em qualquer restaurante ou unidade hoteleira da zona, perfeitamente monitorizada e divulgada junto dos operadores turísticos.

Animação nocturna, com discotecas e bares que privilegiam não só a cultura moderna vigente em qualquer destino turístico do mundo, mas também a componente cultural moçambicana em geral e local em particular, como atractivo especial e exclusivo para visitantes de todas as idades.

A Baia, carrega consigo uma grande variedade de actividades turísticas organizadas que vão desde os safaris fotográficos da fauna selvagem, às de snorkeling, mergulho, pesca desportiva e camping nas zonas mais fantásticas reservadas para o efeito e legalmente protegidas.

Unidades hoteleiras de qualidade e para todas as bolsas, onde as comodidades mínimas requeridas pela actividade turística, tais como o fornecimento de água potável e energia eléctrica, estão asseguradas.

Policia Camararia em dias de ressaca
Facilidade de deslocação assegurada pelos transportes públicos de baixo custo (chapas) ou em viaturas de Rent-a-Car de custo muito acessível, e em que o turista ou visitante não corre qualquer risco de ser parado quatro, cinco, seis vezes num percurso de cinco quilómetros dentro da zona urbana, a pretexto de ajudas para combustível ou para refresco de arrefecimento dos elementos da patrulha, pois isso já está incluído no valor do aluguer, sendo da responsabilidade da empresa locadora garantir esses pagamentos tal como acontece com qualquer outro residente habitual.

Atendimento de grande qualidade à chegada ao aeroporto, onde o turista é recebido como alguém que vem voluntariamente contribuir para a economia local, em afirmação solidária para com um povo que procura um lugar nos destinos turísticos mundiais, deixando para segundo plano a sua vontade de gozar umas boas férias num paraíso distante rodeado das necessárias e justas comodidades.

Fácil acesso aos necessários vistos de visitante, apesar da obrigatoriedade de um convite de um residente ou de prévia reserva assegurada em unidade hoteleira, termos de responsabilidade e fundo de maneio para a estadia, coisas exigíveis em qualquer destino turístico do mundo e apesar também, das dificuldades reconhecidas aos departamentos encarregados para o efeito (consulados).
Grande facilidade de escolha de companhia aérea para viajar, com ligações a qualquer parte do mundo e sobretudo a outros destinos turísticos, tornando o destino Pemba mais competitivo e uma opção muito mais agradável.

Bela mas deserta
Destino nacional e/ou internacional por via aérea razoavelmente económico e atractivo já que comparado com outros destinos a partir da Europa para as américas do Norte, Central e do Sul, da Africa do Sul só ficam de fora os custos de estadia, o que não tem realmente expressão significativa. Só a título de exemplo, viaja-se de qualquer ponto da Europa para o Brasil por 7 dias em regime de meia pensão ou até de pensão completa por um custo total quase idêntico ao de uma viagem de avião de Lisboa/Pemba/Lisboa.

Pemba é de facto um local magnífico e uma atracção turística em potência. Assim deveria ser olhado pelos responsáveis e por todos aqueles que sentem no seu íntimo o desejo que as razões aqui apontadas para visitar Pemba fossem verdadeiras, e não uma plataforma irónica para descrever as “10 razões indiscutíveis para não visitar Pemba”.
 




















OF PROFITS AND POWER

Paulo-Nyenje-alleged-poaching-
Official collusion in Northern Mozambique’s ivory poaching


Two hundred metres from Pemba’s popular Wimbi Beach towers an opulent mansion. Initially it could be mistaken for the home belonging to one of Mozambique’s burgeoning oil, gas and mining millionaires. But the owner of this mansion, Dora Manjate, is a public servant. She is the former Police Commander of Cabo Delgado, Mozambique’s northern-most province.
Dora Manjate

Manjate is one of many officials implicated in the ivory poaching scourge currently afflicting Mozambique. It is suspected that her mansion has been funded by profits from this trade.

She is accused of facilitating the smuggling of ivory for Chinese companies, particularly, the ‘Mozambique First International Development’ or Mofidi – a forestry company owned by Chinese businessman Liu Chaoying. In 2011 a large ivory consignment was discovered camouflaged among the timber in Mofidi’s shipping containers. Although six government inspectors were suspended for their involvement, Mofidi was let off the hook.

Dora and mansion
A 2013 undercover investigation by the Environmental Investigation Agency also exposed the friendship between Mofidi’s Chaoying and Mozambique’s Minister of Agriculture, Jose Pancheco. The minister has refused to comment on the relationship.
In 2014 a customs official who attempted to search one of Mofidi’s containers was locked in a cell for eight days, allegedly under Manjate’s orders.

‘Anyone who tries to confront the commander is threatened or arrested’, says Estacio Valoi, a Mozambican investigative journalist, who has exposed official corruption on all tiers of Mozambique’s criminal justice system.

Despite a brief suspension in the wake of Valoi’s investigations, Manjate was simply transferred to another province, without being charged. She has not responded to Valoi’s repeated attempts to contact her for comment.

Valoi describes ivory poaching in Northern Mozambique as slaughter on an ‘industrialised scale‘. He cites 15 cases involving armed poachers in the Quirimbas National Park, in Cabo Delgado, between 2009 and 2013. The cases were forwarded to the police, the prosecuting attorney and the provincial court – with no outcome.

Although these cases date to 2013, in 2015 alleged complicity by Mozambican officials continues, unabated. For example, in April this year two Cabo Delgado policemen were arrested on charges of ivory smuggling. Like Manjate, they are merely links in a chain of corruption that is subverting efforts to effectively fight Mozambique’s poaching scourge.


The corruption appears so pervasive that global conservation bodies are demanding that sanctions be imposed against Mozambique.

At an international CITES meeting in Bangkok during March 2013, Mozambique was singled out for its lack of political will to stem the scourge and was urged to implement punitive laws against poaching. The government subsequently introduced stricter wildlife legislation but these laws have not yet been passed.

At a follow-up meeting convened by the CITES Standing Committee (SC) in Geneva, during July 2014, Mozambique was identified as one of eight countries of concern in relation to illegal trade of rhino and elephant products.

The SC recommended that Mozambique compile a detailed National Ivory and Rhino Action Plan (NIRAP) to be submitted to CITES by 31 October 2014. Mozambique submitted only the first draft of its NIRAP to CITES in January 2015. It has yet to finalise the new Conservation Law, further delaying efforts to crack down on the poaching epidemic that is destroying not only Mozambique’s wildlife population, but the rest of the continent’s natural reserves as well.

But Mozambique is not the only country displaying a disturbingly sluggish approach to the crisis. In April 2014 South Africa signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with Mozambique covering rhino poaching. At the time, Minister of Environmental Affairs Edna Molewa hailed the memorandum as ‘a game-changer’.
A year later, an Implementation Agreement consolidating the MOU has not even been signed. In fact, very little practical headway has been reached between the two countries, apart from a low-key meeting held in March, between Molewa and her Mozambican counterpart, Celso Ismael Correia, to discuss joint anti-poaching initiatives with Mozambique’s Fauna Bravia Unit around the Limpopo National Park.

‘Africa’s wildlife crises provide spectacular examples of rotten leadership,’ says conservationist, Ian Michler, who has exposed the nefarious links between poaching and political power in South Africa, Mozambique and Tanzania.

The link between poaching, profit and political power has augmented the scale of the slaughter. Poaching levels are the worst they have been since 1989, when CITES declared an international ban on the ivory trade. Between 2009 and 2014 a staggering 170 tons of ivory was smuggled out of Mozambique.

While the growth of ‘conspicuous consumption’, by China’s new affluent class has increased the demand for ivory, it cannot be supplied without official collusion. From the savannah to the sea, whether transported in small consignments or massive containers, there are always official palms to be greased, ensuring eyes are conveniently averted from the illicit cargo being trafficked, via Tanzania, Zanzibar and the Middle East, to Asia.


For example, during October 2014, in the village of Chamba, intersecting the border of Mozambique and Tanzania, members of Niassa’s anti-poaching task units were ambushed and assaulted after arresting a suspected poacher attempting to cross the border into Tanzania. Shockingly, the perpetrators were not poachers, but members of the Mozambique Border Police – the very authorities who should be fighting alongside the scouts to combat poaching.

Even at station level, corruption is rife, as confirmed by the recent so-called ‘escape’ of two of Mozambique’s most notorious poaching kingpins: Antonio Bernardo and Paolo Nyenje. Bernardo is linked to poaching in the Kruger National Park and Nyenje allegedly has close ties with Tanzanian syndicates. Both have been arrested several times for poaching and weapons possession, yet subsequently released, allegedly by bribing prosecutors and police officers.

In October 2014 the pair were re-arrested and detained at Mecula Police Station. A week later, both absconded, apparently through a tiny toilet window. Bernardo was subsequently recaptured but Nyenje remains a fugitive. No officers at Mecula Police Station were arrested for aiding their escape.

The rot seeps through every level of officialdom, from traditional village chiefs and police officers to the highest echelons of political power. Even Mozambique’s ruling Frelimo party, has been accused of using revenue from the illegal ivory trade to fund its 2013 10th anniversary congress in Pemba.

At the time the government refused to comment on the allegations. A report published in April this year by the Portuguese Institute of International Relations and Security accuses former Frelimo military officials of providing political protection to criminal groups involved in poaching. In exchange for the profits they reap from poaching deals, they protect the syndicates from prosecution.

Weapons and uniforms used by the Mozambican armed and security forces are often found in poaching areas.

In fact, army and police officers, public prosecutors and politically connected Mozambicans are often regarded as ‘untouchable’. Those who expose their corruption run the risk of being killed. The most visible rewards of this nefarious link between profits and power can be seen along the Pemba coastline, in the form of mansions, like the house belonging to Commander Manjate, built from a trade steeped in violence and greed.

Hazel Friedman is a Senior producer with Special Assignment. She has assisted Valoi with his investigations into poaching in Northern Mozambique.